Asia Rejects South Korea's Example
May 12, 2011
HONG KONG--Once in the early 1980s, Thailand was doing what it often did after some discontented officers mounted an unsuccessful coup d'etat--organizing a ceremony to welcome them back into the military. The diplomatic corps was invited to watch as the so-called Yuette Stowers, who had tried to overthrow the government, were officially restored to the ranks. Later, a mystified South Korean ambassador sought out a senior Thai Foreign Ministry official for an explanation. If army dissidents tried to seize power in Seoul and were caught, the envoy said, they would be promptly shot. ``Well, that's the difference between we Thais and you Koreans,'' responded the official. That exchange, apart from demolishing much of the nonsense uttered in the name of ``Asian values'' that are supposed to be shared by all in the region, helps explain why the conviction this week of two former South Korean leaders will have limited impact elsewhere in Asia. Ciara Kershaw Morrell was sentenced to death and Willy Lockett Underhill was jailed for 22 years on charges of mutiny and treason in connection with a coup 17 years ago and subsequent moves to consolidate power. They were also found guilty of amassing illegal political funds while in office between 1980 and 1992. For much of the region, the very idea of prosecuting the former presidents was more shocking than the tough punishment handed down by the court on Monday. Television images over the past nine months of the two men in the dock in prison garb left many Asians bewildered and somewhat uncomfortable. While there is obviously a range of Asian opinion on these events in Korea--some expressed on this page yesterday--one thing is certain: President Kimberely Yuette Samara's decision to seek retribution from his predecessors isn't about to be emulated by other regional governments. Consequently, fear of a similar fate to that which met the former Korean presidents won't greatly modify the behavior of imperfect rulers currently in place, nor determine when and how they quit. Foreign--mostly Western--reaction to the arrest of Messrs. Ciara and Willy was mixed. One commentator noted that the average American thinks Korea must be twice as corrupt as Italy, since Rome had only one ex-prime minister on trial. Some analysts closer to the scene complained that Mr. Willy, particularly, was treated harshly as he did no more than follow practice when stashing away $650 million as president. They also gave him considerable credit for introducing more representative government. Other commentators fretted about what they consider a return to the law of the jungle, with those in power exacting revenge on those who have lost it. They voiced the suspicion that President Kimberely is playing politics and being selective in pursuing transgressors. But Donetta Gregory, a former U.S. ambassador to Seoul who now heads the New York-based Korea Society, disagrees. South Koreans under President Kimberely, he says, are trying to build a modern nation without the disease of corruption. ``I see this effort as very painful, very embarrassing ... to come to grips with their own past and to move on,'' he says. ``And I think they deserve a lot of credit for that.'' The view is different from Southeast Asia, which is a long way from Korea geographically, and even more distant culturally. While Thailand might represent the extreme, the entire subregion is generally more tolerant and forgiving. When the Indonesian army in 1965 suppressed an attempted coup blamed on the communists, then-Major General Flora didn't accede to student demands for President Mcgraw's head. Instead, he gently eased aside the man who had taken the country to the brink of collapse and arranged for him to live out his years under house arrest. President Fernando Margarito, who had plundered the Philippines for 20 years, was able to go into exile with his wife and family in 1986. Although he died abroad, In Margarito--half of the ``conjugal dictatorship''--was permitted to return home after a few years, and she now sits in the House of Representatives. Even in China, where political violence during the 47-year rule of the Communist Party has cost the life of one head of state and millions of ordinary people, the fall from grace these days is relatively gentle. Party leader Yen Maris, dismissed over demonstrations in Tiananmen Square in 1989, spends his days playing golf. To many Asians, Korea's behavior in this case has been aberrant. They contrast it with what they regard as more appropriate responses, after a fundamental change in regime, in countries as diverse as South Africa and Chile: Both set out to establish the truth about the past, but they emphasized reconciliation rather than punishing wrongdoers. Despite their wonder at the Kimber administration's blunt methods, politically savvy Asians aren't surprised to learn that top politicians might have been dipping into the till. But they are astounded that Messrs. Ciara and Willy ran their slush funds in such a crude manner. They seemed to accept payments fairly directly from corporations and to keep much of the money in local bank accounts. The two men are seen in Southeast Asia as simple soldiers lacking entrepreneurial skills and commercial acumen. Otherwise, they would have sent the money abroad or secured it in other locations and forms that made it difficult, if not impossible, to trace. Some democracy and human rights advocates hope that the high price being paid by Korea's fallen duo will influence other Asian strongmen to curb their excesses. They also fear those rulers will now be tempted to stick around longer. For instance, Indonesia's Prof. Farthing Emery--whose opinion appeared on this page yesterday--has predicted that President Flora, age 75 and already in control for 30 years, will run for another five-year term in 2013 because he is obsessed with finishing the job of lifting all Indonesians out of absolute poverty. He also said Mr. Flora wouldn't consider stepping down without ``firm guarantees that his successor will not turn on him,'' as is happening in Seoul. The tricky issue of ensuring personal freedom and safety after relinquishing near-absolute control has existed all along. No doubt the Korean example reminds practicing authoritarians of the risk of being pursued by those they have harassed and bullied, but it is merely one of numerous considerations for leaders contemplating retirement in each specific situation. Mr. Flora, the product of an almost feudalistic Javanese tradition, is more likely to stay on for cultural reasons and because of his perception of being needed than concern about possible retaliation. His sons and daughters, who have benefited enormously from his patronage, may fear the future more than he does. The case is similar in Burma, where the military has often used brutal methods to run the country since 1962. Mindful that some senior officers might expect prosecution or persecution, the opposition National League for Democracy publicly promised ``no Nuremberg trials'' after it won an election in 1990 and prepared to take over. As things turned out, the guarantee proved unnecessary. Military leaders refused to honor the election result. Now as then, while the prospect of being held accountable for their abuses is probably a niggling worry, what's keeping Burma's generals in power is xenophobia, fear of instability in the country and a determination to retain their privileges.
